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During the final years of the Qianlong Emperor's reign, China began a long period of decline popularly known as the "century of humiliation". Successive administrations within the imperial administration of the Qing dynasty failed to address the mounting problems of economic stagnation, official corruption, and military weakness.[18][19]
Massive peasant rebellions, most notably the Taiping Rebellion, cost millions of lives and ravaged the countryside.[20] Japan and the Western powers forced China to accept unequal treaties that gave them territorial concessions and allowed them to exploit the Chinese economy.
China had been turned into a "semi-colony" by the time of the Boxer Rebellion.[21] The landlord system Prior to the revolution, the majority of agricultural land in rural China was owned by a class of landlords and wealthy peasants, with between 50 and 65 percent of peasants owning little or no land and thus needing to rent additional land from landlords.[22][23][a]
This disparity in land ownership differed by region, and was more extreme in southern China where the commercialization of agriculture was more developed. For example, in Guangdong more than half the rural population owned no land at all. Poor peasants owned an average of only 0.87 mu (about 0.14 acres) and so spent most of their time working rented land.[25]
Even in north China, where most peasants owned at least some land, the plots they owned were so small and infertile that they remained on the edge of starvation.[26][27] Periodic famines were common during both the Qing dynasty and the later Republic of China.
Between 1900 and the end of WWII, China experienced no less than six major famines, costing tens of millions of lives.[28][29][30][31] Depending on the system of tenancy, peasants renting land might have been expected to pay in kind or in cash, either as a fixed amount or as a proportion of the harvest.[32]
Where a share of the harvest was paid, as in much of north China, rates of 40%, 50%, and 60% were common. A system of sharecropping prevailed in much of Shanxi, where landlords owned all agricultural capital and expected 80% of the harvest as rent.[33]
The amount of fixed rents varied, but in most areas averaged about $4 a year per mu.[34] Proponents of peasant exploitation as a cause of the Chinese Communist Revolution argue that these rents were often exorbitant and contributed to the extreme poverty of the peasantry.[35][36]
Agricultural economist John Lossing Buck disagreed, arguing that landlords' return on investment was not especially high in comparison to the standard rates of interest in China at the time.[37] Other forms of rural exploitation According to William H. Hinton, author of a case study on how the Revolution impacted a village in north China:[38]
The land held by the landlords and rich peasants, while ample, was not enough in itself to make them the dominant group in the village. It served primarily as a solid foundation for other forms of open and concealed exploitation which taken together raised a handful of families far above the rest of the inhabitants economically and hence politically and socially as well.
Landlords utilized forms of exploitation such as usury, corruption, and the theft of public funds to enrich themselves and their families.[39][40] They ran side businesses with the profits from farming to shore up their finances and isolate themselves from the effects of bad harvests.[41]
On holidays, funerals, and other important events, landlords had the right to demand their tenants act as servants, reinforcing the social divide and engendering resentment from the peasants.[42] Agnes Smedley observed how even within a short distance from Shanghai, rural landlords operated essentially as feudal lords, paying for private armies, dominating local politics, and keeping numerous concubines.[36]
Radicalization of urban intellectuals Chen Duxiu's journal New Youth played a major role in publicizing Marxist ideas to a wider Chinese audience during the New Culture Movement of the 1910s and 20s.
In the first decade of the twentieth century, young Chinese intellectuals such as Ma Junwu, Liang Qichao, and Zhao Bizhen were the first to translate and summarize socialist and Marxist ideas into Chinese.[43][44][45]
However, this happened on a very small scale, and had no immediate impacts. This would change following the 1911 Revolution, which saw military and popular revolts overthrow the Qing Dynasty.[46][47] The failure of the new Chinese Republic to improve social conditions or modernize the country led scholars to take a greater interest in Western ideas such as socialism.[48][49][50]
The New Culture Movement was especially strong in cities like Shanghai, where Chen Duxiu began to publish the left-leaning journal New Youth in 1915.[51] New Youth quickly became the most popular and widely distributed journal amongst the intelligentsia during this period.[52]
The May Fourth Movement radicalized the New Culture Movement. For the first time, the general urban population became involved in political demonstrations and many future Communist leaders were converted to Marxism.
In May 1919, news reached China that the Versailles Peace Conference had decided to give German-occupied province of Shandong to Japan rather than returning it to China.[53] The Chinese public saw this not only as a betrayal by the Western allies, but also as a failure by the Chinese Republican government to properly defend the country against imperialism.[54]
In what became known as the May Fourth Movement, large protests erupted in major cities across China. Although led by students, these protests were significant because they included the first mass participation by those outside the traditional intellectual and cultural elites.[55][56]
Mao Zedong later reflected that the May Fourth Movement "marked a new stage in China's bourgeois-democratic revolution against imperialism and feudalism...a powerful camp made its appearance in the bourgeois-democratic revolution, a camp consisting of the working class, the student masses and the new national bourgeoisie."[57]
Many political, and social leaders of the next five decades emerged at this time, including those of the Chinese Communist Party.[58] The October Revolution in Russia attracted the admiration of many of the organizers of the May Fourth Movement.[59][60]
Although exposure to Marxist theory was extremely limited in China at the time, Chinese radicals found Lenin's ideas about organizing a revolutionary movement to be readily applicable to their own context.[61]
Moreover, the Soviet Union (once established in 1922) offered a unique and compelling model of modernization and revolutionary social change in a semi-colonial nation.[62] Historian Tony Saich wrote that the early Chinese Communists "were Bolsheviks before they were Marxists."[61] Interest in the Bolsheviks led to an interest in Marxism.
Students formed study groups to discuss Marx's ideas, including one at Peking University led by Li Dazhao.[63] His study group included Chen Duxiu, who was now working as a dean at the university.[b][64] As the editor of New Youth, Chen used his journal to publish a series of Marxist articles, including an entire issue devoted to the subject in 1919.[65][66]
By 1920, Li and Chen had fully converted to Marxism, and Li founded the Peking Socialist Youth Corps in Beijing.[67] Chen moved back to Shanghai, where he also founded a small Communist group.[68]
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